MetLife Stadium in the winter: does this look like ideal Super Bowl weather? It is a vital reminder to avoid “out-thinking the room!”
One of my favorite bits of advice to give to students and to friends alike is, “don’t out-think the room.” Trying to come up with something you think nobody else is going to think up might show that you are more creative, but it could lead to an overall worse idea or product in the end. Moreover, this bit of advice can apply to more basic scenarios, too. If you go to a restaurant and you are not sure what you want to eat, it is usually wise to order up what the place is known for, not to order up some obscure menu item that is rarely served. If the place is known for crab cakes, get the crab cakes. If it is known for its pizza, get the pizza. Don’t out-think the room.
The NFL was in danger of doing that his past Super Bowl when the 45th “Big Game” was awarded to — Indianapolis? Traditionally, the Super Bowl is hosted in a warm-weather city that is built to handle big crowds. Every time the Super Bowl is hosted in Miami, New Orleans, Phoenix or San Diego, things always turn out well. Jacksonville may have relatively warm weather, but it’s not built to handle the big crowds that come in for the big game. Late January in Indianapolis is hardly the ideal spot, either. As it was, the city and the fans were very lucky in that the weather for the game was unseasonably mild. The NFL dodged the bullet in trying to out-think the room, and should have learned their lesson. Alas, they did not. They awarded the hosting of the 2014 Super Bowl to…MetLife Stadium, as in, New Jersey, as in, across the Hudson River from New York City, as in, upper Twenties at nighttime in late January or early February. Brrr! The Super Bowl was never meant to be played in freezing weather, and yet the NFL foolishly overlooked this basic rule in awarding the hosting of the Big Game to the Meadowlands. The Super Bowl always works in Miami, New Orleans, Phoenix, and San Diego, NFL: do not out-think the room!
The reason I say all this is because, in light of the disappointing outcome for the Republican Party in the recent election (namely, we’ll have to put up with four more years of the incompetent B. Hussein Obama), many luminaries in the party have been calling for this change or that change to quickly occur so that the GOP does not gradually shrink to permanent minor party status. Given what is at stake for the country, some of these ideas have been offered with considerable urgency, hence with start warnings about the future. Some, such as veteran Republican strategist and Romney campaign adviser Ron Kaufman offered his thought at the Republican Governors Association Meeting in Las Vegas:
“We need to make sure that we’re not perceived as intolerant,” he said. “The bottom line is we were perceived to be intolerant on some issues. And tone-deaf on others.” This is fine advice when it comes to philosophically complex and deeply emotional issues such as abortion. But what about others that are less complex, more straightforward, and more salient, such as fiscal issues?
“Republicans have to start understanding that small business and entrepreneurs are important, but the people who work for them are also important,” said Rep. Charles Bass, R-N.H., who lost his seat to Democrat Ann Kuster. “We’ve got to be compassionate conservatives.”
The first part of Bass’ idea sounds fine: connect with the average Joe. But the second part raises a few eyebrows. Did we already not try this “compassionate conservatism” before? Under George W. Bush, government spending went up, and that overall action trashed the GOP’s reputation as the grown-ups in the room when it came to fiscal prudence, a reputation the GOP faithful have been laboring ever-so diligently to repair over the past four years.
And of course, there were the calls one has been hearing so often these past ten days of appealing to more minority voters, namely Hispanics. As I have mentioned before, this is an important issue, and one that must be delved into seriously and with the right ideas in place so that we can broaden our electoral base.
That is not to say that Gov. Romney was without his die-hard supporters. The business-oriented among us, yours truly included, recognized that he has just the skill set that we need for a leader in these troubled times. But sadly, the vast majority of the electorate has no concept of executive skill sets in leaders, hence it was a non-issue to them. Mitt appealed to his supporters minds in a very big way, but not enough to the overall electorate’s hearts.
The point in all of this is, many party members and operatives seem to try to position themselves as the smartest person in the room in trying to come up with one unique solution to a particular facet of the overall electoral problem the party faced in the past election. But if one focuses on a few small things among many and fail with their ideas on those fronts, then where will we be? What York reminds us is that, overall, the solution is much simpler, and much more straightforward. Find someone who can effectively connect with large swaths of the electorate early on (someone who can win hearts and minds), and much of the problem is solved. We have less than four years to find that person.
Let us be as blunt as we can: Obama may have won re-election, but he certainly did not win a mandate. Not with lower voter turnout overall than in 2008, and even less so with winning fewer votes 10 days ago than he won 4 years ago. What many should ask is, how did he win? Well, leave it to Michael Medved to expose the dirty little secret of Obama’s campaign victory: going negative early and often.
Think about it: negative campaigning does not succeed by turning off either side of the base against you. It wins by turning off independents from even showing up at the voting booth. Medved is not the only fellow to figure this out, either. The ever-astute Michael Barone came to the same conclusion in his piece published this past Monday. Obama was very good at turning out his base, and repelled enough independents (whom Romney carried by six points) from even voting. Such behavior certainly does nothing at all to reassure so many people jaded about politics in general.
Does this mean that all you have to do is go negative early and often, and in so doing, you will be bulletproof? Not necessarily. For the longest time in the campaign, Romney was unable to counter all the negativity in key swing states because campaign finance laws prohibited him from using key funds to do just that until after he was officially nominated. That did not happen until the convention — in August. By then, in hindsight, the die was cast, or so it seems. Karl Rove has reportedly offered an obvious solution: have the national convention earlier in the campaign season so one can access the funds earlier and more effectively counter the negativity. Makes sense to me!
Oh, and we forgot to tell you, Obama supporters: it does not matter who the president is, or how great (or not) he turned out to be. One ironclad rule of American politics is that a president’s second term is ALWAYS worse than his first. Always. That rule even applied to George Washington, arguably the greatest of all the presidents, as well as the first, who set the standard for all to follow. Victor Davis Hanson reminds us of this very pertinent rule.
Meanwhile, this cannot be reiterated enough: one thing the Republicans have going for them is a super-talented bench that is very, very deep. One member of that bench is Gov. Bobby Jindal of Louisiana. He has sounded a clarion call for the party to start expanding its base. It can start, so he says, by “stop being the stupid party.” This and other insights will make Jindal someone to observe in the coming months and years.
The issue of Republicans trying to broaden their base is one that has obviously been on my minds within the ranks of the GOP, specifically, how do we bring in more minorities into our camp? Many people who just happen to be minorities no doubt share most of our values, but others, namely a large swath of blacks, seem not to. Many in the black community have kept themselves on Uncle Sam’s Plantation, much to their own peril economically, socially and spiritually. What must be done, according to Dennis Prager, is to bring more minorities towards our values, meaning that we must get the message to them, make it clear to them, and prove to them that our values are in their best interest, and indeed, in America’s best interest.
At the core of things is a particular challenge. We as Republicans stand for hard work, self-reliance, free enterprise and individual initiative. On paper, that seems like an easy sell. But it becomes a much tougher sell when the other side says “don’t worry, we’ll take care of you,” without regard for who will pay for all the goodies. This is part of the case that Mona Charen tries to make, along with the chilling reminder that the worse an economy gets, the more lots of people (single women, etc.) cling to government for security. To overcome this huge obstacle to preserving individual liberty and prosperity, we need to have more brains (and common sense!) and imagination than the Democrats.
One important thing to keep in mind is that some Republicans happen to win in places where they are least expected to, such as the People’s Republic of Massachusetts. How do they do it? Jeff Jacoby points out that they won with focusing on grassroots, and champion liberty, limited government, and low taxes. This, of course, flies in the face of conventional wisdom from campaign consultants, who think that GOP candidates must go wishy-washy and moderate positions. The message is clear: clarity, conviction, and the ability to put it in words people can understand wins, even in Massachusetts.
Meanwhile, lots of people within conservative ranks seem to be piling on Romney right now (hasn’t the poor guy taken enough grief?). Did he make mistakes? Of course he did. Taking Rick Perry to task over his stance on the DREAM Act was a fatal blow towards his hopes for attracting Hispanic votes, for example. But having said all that, it is more than worth pointing out what he did RIGHT. Who better than Hugh Hewitt to offer a nice, easily digestible list of things Mitt did well which future candidates would be well-served to emulate, and others which have set the GOP up for long-term success?
Finally, one important thing to note is an alternative solution to solving the mess in Washington. Instead of trying to change Washington — which we ought not to give up anytime soon — let us also devote just as much energy towards helping the Several States wrestle issues back into their sphere of control. Justin Owen offers a very timely piece on how some states have already challenged the Federal government in key areas such as environmental protection, Medicaid reform, and education. Let us never forget that we have something called the 10th Amendment.
The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.
This must be remembered above all else, especially now.
Ted Cruz, the junior senator-elect from the Great State of Texas: of Latino ancestry, he is a new, rising star in the Republican Party.
As conservatives are trying to sort through the wreckage (moderate though it was) of Tuesday’s election, certain recriminations are bound to be exchanged within Party and ideological ranks. Credit Charles Krauthammer for being the coolest head in the room. He offers simple, straightforward solutions to the problems that the GOP faces – the problems that were made abundantly clear thanks to the hindsight of the election and of exit polling.
Was this election an overall rejection of conservatism and a full-throated endorsement of European-style social democracy? Hardly. Krauthammer reminds us that the demographic issue of Hispanics supporting Obama can be solved by taking the forefront on immigration policy reform. He also reminds us that the GOP becoming a more moderate party is not the answer, but just becoming more effective in advancing good arguments. This is no time to lose our philosophical anchor, according to the esteemed psychiatrist. He hit the nail on the head by pointing out what some people have tried to say and need to keep saying over and over again:
“In a world where European social democracy is imploding before our eyes, the party of smaller, more modernized government owns the ideological future.”
If we succeed in persuading more Hispanics to come to our side – not an insurmountable task – then we can win more elections and thus succeed in implementing smaller, more modernized government.
If that is not enough, Hunter also points out that ceding the culture to the left will doom conservatism as well. He points out a few successful examples where small archipelagos of conservatism thrive in a vase ocean of liberalism (Adam Carolla being a good example), and how they succeed. If conservatism is to succeed, we must emulate these models, and scale them into continents.
Speaking of the recent election, it was really a triumph of negative campaigning in key target states on the part of Obama’s team, according to Michael Barone. Combine that with a diminished margin of victory in the popular vote compared to Obama’s numbers in 2008, and he hardly has a mandate to make government even more intrusive in our lives as we move forward. Oddly enough, though, Barone hints that House Speaker John Boehner might have a slight mandate of his own.
Another thought: Texas just elected a new junior senator in Ted Cruz. He and Marco Rubio could effectively team up to lead the GOP in being proactive in immigration reform (a modified DREAM Act, perhaps?). But even more importantly, Cruz’ election, one could make the case, could portend of positive things to come. Hugh Hewitt points out that Senator-elect Cruz is, oddly and ironically enough, in the same position that Barack Obama was in 2004. Both Cruz and Obama are/were rising stars in their respective parties in 2012 and 2004, respectively. Both hail from states key to their respective parties. Both were elected to Congress the same year that their parties lost an agonizingly close election. What’s more, in both 2004 and 2012, a candidate from Massachusetts headed a losing presidential ticket. If that’s not enough, both men’s fathers were not born in America. Oh, and Cruz is said to be both a brilliant lawyer and orator. Hmmm….
When media outlets called for Ohio narrowly going for Obama within the 11:00 hour Tuesday night, it became quite clear that Obama was to win re-election. But the electoral results overall seem, at this point to hardly settle anything. On the contrary: the results of this election raise more questions than those that are answered.
For one: given that, on the surface of things, the status quo regarding who controls the presidency and the Congress has not changed (Dems keep the presidency and Senate, Republicans the House), how are major issues facing this country to be effectively resolved, moving, ahem, “Forward?”
Given than Barack Obama won re-election with fewer states than in 2008, how can he consider this re-election is any sort of mandate going, ahem, “Forward?” (North Carolina and Indiana are back in the red column, while ballots in Virginia and Florida are still being counted).
Credit Mitt Romney for recognizing that the economy was the chief concern among most voters this election cycle. Indeed, news reports indicated that the exit polling among swing voters revealed that very thing. Yet those very swing voters that were exit polled still blamed George W. Bush for the economic malaise. Question: at what point will Obama own this malaise?
Will stagflation come? Given the “status quo” result of this election, it seems to be almost a foregone conclusion. Will Obama then own the ensuing recession-within-a-recession?
What is to be done about the “tax bomb” that is about to come our way? Once that “bomb” explodes, who is likely to take the political hit?
While it might be a tad too early for a postmortem on the Romney campaign, could it have been that the “October surprise” that many on the right side of the ideological spectrum feared was in fact a freak act of mother nature? Hurricane Sandy did, after all, allow for Obama to act a bit presidential for once.
In historical perspective, not since Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and James Monroe has America elected presidents to two consecutive terms three times in a row. I shall leave a competent Psephologist (paging Michael Barone!) to more effectively discern the deep meaning of this development.
These and other questions shall surely be answered as time unfolds. In the meantime, pray for our great nation, for its duly elected leaders, and especially for the health of the justices on the Supreme Court.
For weeks, I was trying to think up the almost-perfect editorial essay explaining why Obama must go and why Mitt Romney is the best guy we have to turn our government and our nation around. I could have given a whole litany of problems America has experienced under Obama, and just as big a litany of positives in favor of Romney as the real man for the job (as opposed to the narcissistic man-child with which we have saddled ourselves for [almost] the last four years). And I may yet write such a piece between now and Tuesday. But as the old saying goes, in the brevity lies the spice, and there is hardly a ‘spicier’ editorial out there in Romney’s favor (and Obama’s consequent disfavor) than Charles Krauthammer’s latest piece. What makes this particular column so “spicy” is that it gets to the very crux of the matter regarding this upcoming election. Are we to remain freeborn citizens of unlimited individual potential, or are we to degenerate into serfs, able to do little more than serve an increasingly Leviathan state? So read that article, then watch Ronald Reagan’s historic speech that he gave 48 years ago. While you watch it, forget about Goldwater vs. Johnson and imagine Romney vs. Obama, and the speech will seem even more timely today than it was almost five decades ago.
By now, many readers who have been paying attention to the political scene have no doubt heard the quote from Elizabeth Warren that has recently “gone viral,” to use the modern parlance. Warren, who currently seeks the nomination from the Democrat Party to run against Republican Senatorial incumbent Scott Brown for Massachusetts in the 2012 election, created something of a stir during a meeting with voters in someone’s living room in Andover, Mass., when a would-be constituent had the temerity to question the idea that more government is the solution to everything. She responded:
“There is nobody in this country who got rich on his own. Nobody. You built a factory out there — good for you. But I want to be clear. You moved your goods to market on the roads the rest of us paid for. You hired workers the rest of us paid to educate. You were safe in your factory because of police and fire forces that the rest of us paid for. … You built a factory and it turned into something terrific or a great idea — God bless, keep a big hunk of it. But part of the underlying social contract is you take a hunk of that and pay forward for the next kid who comes along.”
Will’s reminder to all of us is thus: Warren misunderstands, on a fundamental level, what the purpose of government is. Her rant was symptomatic of the liberal intelligensia’s fixation on the idea that everyone else is a potential victim, and the only way to preempt such victimhood is for everyone else to subordinate themselves to the intelligensia for their own good. More to the point, though, Warren has fundamental misunderstanding in what America’s “social contract” truly is all about. The individual’s social contract is to cooperate with one’s fellow man. To do so out of one’s own free will requires the individual have an incentive — specifically, an economic one — to cooperate with one’s fellow man. That same incentive will lead people to make rational decisions with regard to such cooperation. Government’s job is to facilitate such cooperation with roads, schools, and police. Warren’s implication is that government is to create such cooperation through social engineering — in other words, government is not just to facilitate, it it is create it as well.
Thankfully, this thinking is at odds with the majority of the public. Jacoby points out in his column (linked above) that people’s dissatisfaction with the government is at a 40-year high, according to a Gallup Poll. Contrast that with 84 percent of the public thinking positively about entrepreneurs in general, and 95 percent thinking positively about small business. Full disclosure: yours truly works for a small-business manufacturer, as legally defined.
All this leads to yet another false premise that Warren implied to operate under during her infamous rant: that because conservatives are suspicious of government’s effectiveness means that they want to do away with government altogether. Of course nobody in the mainstream, right or left, wants such a thing, and that includes the Tea Party movement. What those who are advocating for limited government call for is a reduction, not randomly, but towards that for which the federal government was instituted; to provide for the national defense, to deliver the mail, to help out with infrastructure when need be, and to provide uniform interstate commercial regulations that are not too burdensome at the same time.
Alas, this is currently not the case, as the federal government has grown way beyond in function for which it was originally intended. Our tax dollars go towards unstainable “entitlement” programs that are driving us broke (James Madison admonished his colleagues against “objects of benevolence in 1794). It was the federal government that gambled with the taxpayers’ money when it gave exorbitant amounts of cash to failed enterprises like Solyndra (since when did our Founding Fathers want government to pick winners and losers in business, anyhow?). The federal government also wastes our money on regional airports nobody uses, un violation of the spirit of using the power of government for internal improvements. This hardly even scratches the surface, but they are sterling examples of grounds for those objecting to big government, and eating up more of our hard-earned money in so doing — money that could go to further the private economy, and private sector jobs.
If Harvard professor Elizabeth Warren is serious about living up to her prestigious academic credentials, then she would be well-served to brush up on the Constitution and learn about the concept of Enumerated Powers in Article I of that important document. But her rant exposed her bias as an elitist academic who thinks she knows what is best for everyone else. With that sort of bias, I doubt she could humble herself to learn of this important concept, even if her effectiveness as a would-be legislator hinges on it.
This photo was taken at an Anti-Tea Party rally. Apparently there are a lot of people out there that think taxes are not high enough, and that there is not enough government intrusion and regulation in our lives. But all sarcasm aside, this protest sign is disingenuous on a host of levels. Start with the “brown-skinned” premise. Was he as light-skinned as northern Europeans and their descendants in the western and southern hemispheres? Most likely not. But the fact that Jesus and was a semite does not make him “brown-skinned,” especially not compared to those of sub-Saharan African ancestry. Sorry, but those are the facts.
The “free health care” angle is also disingenuous. Yes, Jesus cared for people; the New Testament has many wonderful accounts of Jesus healing the sick, helping the crippled walk and helping the blind see. But He did those things: he did not farm it out to somebody else, and did not take credit for what others did. Those who advocate nationalized healthcare do so mostly on the grounds of “compassion,” but like other government programs in the name of such “compassion,” such advocates over look the obvious fact that it is very easy to be “compassionate” when you are doing so with other people’s money. Jesus did not need other people’s money to administer his own free health care. Rather, Christ’s very actions demonstrate the effectiveness of do-it-yourself conservatism.
Saving the best for last, it is about time somebody tackled this undue association of “socialism” with Our Lord and Savior. Christ was a Jew, by his own admission. As a practicing Jew, he was expected to abide by the Ten Commandments — they were handed down by His father, after all. Commandment No. 8 could not be simpler: Thou shalt not steal. When a thief violates this commandment he (or she) is essentially redistributing wealth/income. The only difference between what a thief does and what governments do in the name of wealth redistribution (which, hello, is what socialism — and liberalism — is all about) is merely a matter of legality. When Jesus suggested that the wealthy ought to sell their possessions and give the bulk of those proceeds to help the poor, he never mentioned a thing about the wealthy being forced to give up their wealth. If they were/are to do so, they do so on their own accord, out of their own free will. To force them by any means would be to violate our Heavenly Father’s rule of allowing people to exercise their free will, which in itself is a reminder that our status as freeborn citizens is a birthright given by our Lord.
The irony in all of this is that many people who advocate big government liberalism are already wealthy, and are well-aware that government will not tax their wealth, only their income (which, in many of their cases, is practically nil). Taxing income is the biggest entry barrier towards other people attaining their own wealth. In addition to this blatant phoniness, they enlist the help of liberals who are not wealthy by playing on their half-baked ideas of Christianity, while ignoring the faith’s true message.
The above sign might make for a clever sound bite, but it remains an obfuscation of the fact that Christianity and liberalism/socialism are two opposite things, and you cannot adhere to both at the same time, for doing so would be in violation of Commandment Number One. Simply put, those who worship the small “g” (government) violate that commandment handed down by the big “G” (that would be God).
While I’m at it, what mainstream conservative has been referring to B. Hussein Obama as a “brown-skinned, anti-war socialist” anyhow? Do I detect yet another strawman argument from the left? Note to libs: that was a rhetorical question.
What is Federalism? It is, quite simply, a system of government that involves shared and divided power between a governing central authority and constituent political units — in this case, individual states. In other words, the Federalist system requires that some defined, limited powers be delegated to the central government while the rest be delegated to the states. This concept was central to our nation’s founding during the Federal Convention of 1787, and is just as crucial today, as a critical mass of our fellow citizens have forgotten this key concept, thus leading to our country’s existential crisis.
In the beginning, America’s government on a national level consisted only of the Congress, then a differently-composed body from the Congress that became part of the federal government that was later to be designed. From 1777 through 1788, the guiding document for the Congress was the Articles of Confederation, whose very title shows that America was a confederacy at that time, not a federal republic. But the Articles failed because they were too weak. The 13 states that declared independence from Great Britain had to be brought together very quickly in order to keep an army in the field and to keep it fed and clothed. At this they almost merited a failing grade, since General George Washington constantly found his army to be under-fed, his soldiers’ payments chronically late, and horribly clothed.
After the war, even bigger problems arose, since the Articles of Confederation brought the states together too loosely, particularly when it came to settling states’ debts or having a stable currency, to say nothing of lack of uniform commercial regulation from state to state. It therefore comes as no wonder that the “several states” were in economic chaos by the 1780s, some 150 years before the Great Depression of the 1930s. Enough key people realized the problems with the Articles had to be corrected, first at Annapolis, Md., in 1786, and a year later at Philadelphia in 1787.
One myth that pervades some people on the right side of the political spectrum is that the Framers convened in Philadelphia in 1787 to cut government down and make it weaker. The opposite is actually true: they got together in that city and year to strengthen government. That said, it would rankle those on the other side of the political spectrum that they did not strengthen it for the sake of amassing more power or control for themselves, let alone create a modern European-style welfare state, but rather, they saw it was a means of creating a more stable system that would encourage a stronger economy. A stronger government meant the ability to regulate interstate commerce and have the only power to coin money — two powers absent from the previous government (Reference Article I, Section 8). Basically, the Constitution — pre-1791, at least — was originally meant to be a blueprint that would allow for more people to secure for themselves the blessings of liberty by being able to earn their own money more easily than before.
Through much rigorous debate during the Federal Convention of 1787, a federal system of government was decided upon, where there would be a government at the highest level with a relatively few defined powers, and the broader powers would be deferred to the “several states.”
One example of shared power is, alas, no more. The original way in which the new Congress was composed was one of the most sterling examples of Federalism, and how power separated was indeed power checked. The method of people directly electing their representatives in the lower chamber has been in place since 1788. But the way United States Senators were elected was quite different. The original method of their appointment was election via state legislatures. Such election was predicated on the idea that once elected, the members of the Senate would respect state sovereignty, and not allow for the federal government to usurp power from the states. The 17th Amendment to the Constitution, ratified in 1913, made it so that senators were elected to Congress directly by the individual voters instead of the state legislators. Effectively, this turned Senators into “supercongressmen,” and were no longer operating under any constraints to respect state sovereignty with their pieces of legislation, unless the voters stipulated such, yet they never did until a critical mass of voters in some states have made that a priorty in very recent years. An archived article by Bruce Bartlett goes further into this important issue.
Federalism is not without its occasional peculiarities, to be sure. To ensure that states would be given equal representation on one hand and given proportional representation on another, the Congressional make-up as we know was fashioned whereby the lower chamber would satisfy the latter concern, and the upper chamber of Congress (the Senate) would satisfy the former. Article I is very explicit in that each state, no matter how big or small, shall be represented in the upper chamber by two senators; no more, no less. Today, the average Congressional district represents a little over 700,000 people, yet the state of Wyoming, just slightly over half a million in population, has two senators.
True, some delegates initially did call for a national government, not a federal government, but after the requisite debate, that particular proposal for overhauling the central authority of government in the U.S. was quickly rejected. Much debate and compromise took place before it was agreed upon by the majority of delegates that powers between a central government and state governments should be shared. Such a mutual conclusion was the happy median between those who wanted a stronger central authority and those who wanted to preserve more vestiges of the older confederacy.
When the Federal Convention concluded on Sept. 17, 1787, two opposing camps sprang up, practically overnight — the Federalists (those in favor of the Constitution’s ratification) and the Anti-Federalists (those who opposed the Constitution’s ratification on the grounds that it gave too much power to the central government). A large majority of states had to ratify the document to make it the supreme law of the land (effectively, this meant nine states out of 12, since Rhode Island did not send any delegates at all to the convention).
Many prominent patriots such as George Mason, Patrick Henry, Thomas Jefferson, and Samuel Adams were Anti-Federalists, fearing that their efforts to secure independence would come to naught if the central government were delegated such a degree of power. The Anti-Federalists were understandably concerned that without additional built-in checks on Congressional power, their worst fears of a central government amassing more and more power at the expense of everyone’s liberty would come to pass. The solution proposed by prominent Federalists such as James Madison — the acknowledged “father” of the Constitution and one of its key authors — was to add a Bill of Rights to the Constitution to ensure that rapacious politicians would be prohibited from passing laws that would infringe on our God-given liberties. The Bill of Rights, of course, consists of the first 10 amendments to the Constititution, and was ratified in December of 1791, during George Washington’s first term as president. In it, one particular amendment — the Tenth — stands out as an enduring testament to the principle of Federalism and to the importance of shared powers and the respect of state sovereignty. It simply reads:
“The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.”
Translation, for those of you who went to public school (or graduated from IU): If it doesn’t specifically say that the central government has the power to do something, then the central government lacks the power to do that one thing, and if that one thing is to be done, it is up to the states (or even the counties) to take care if it in their own way.
The Tenth Amendment reminds us of something implicit though crucial to Federalism. Given that it is predicated on shared powers between the central government and the states, it compels its citizens to prioritize as to what government can effectively do nationally vs. locally. Since one of the most basic jobs of government is to protect its citizens from theft and violence, that job on a state and county level amounts to “law and order,” while on the national level, it means providing for the national defense. When it comes to “establish Post Offices and Post Roads” as is enumerated in Article I, Section 8, that means that it’s quite alright for the federal government to build national roads (interstates, anyone?) and post offices, but the states can build their own roads on their own dime, too.
If ever We the People are to solve America’s current existential crisis of whether we are to perpetuate America as we know it, or to degenerate into another bloated welfare state like western Europe, the former cannot be achieved without the explicit acknowledgement of what Federalism is and why our Founding Fathers intended for the central government to remain strong enough to provide economic and military stability on a national level, but to leave the rest of the minutiae to the states. It worked before, and shall work again. As we are witnessing today, there can be no substitute.
It’s about darn time that somebody said this. As a community college instructor, the majority of students I have had in my business and general education classes have been African American. Many are single mothers. Many, regardless of sex, have tattoos (a fine example they are setting for their children!). The college where I teach has had to enact new classroom regulations over the years to bring some semblence of civility, such as the banning of wearing of hats in class, as well as the banning of clothing that is, er, too revealing, or too unprofessional in general. The wearing of hoods is also banned. I applaud these regulations, as they promote civility, but also set the expectations for what it takes to provide a more professional appearance, something important if the students wish to get a job once they graduate. Some students get it without having to be told, and much to their credit. Others quickly get it once they see the importance of what these rules are trying to instill. Others need to be reminded several times, as nobody has ever shown them before the basic tennants of civility.
Much has been said about the difficulty many African Americans, particularly the youth, have had in finding work. Over the past several months, black unemployment has been almost twice the national average, around 16 percent. While those who prefer to deal in hysteria are quick to cite ‘racism’ as the reason behind this statistic of great concern, the real reasons, from my own personal observations, are more basic. Many young black people are not attractive candidates for hire because of their unprofessional appearance and demeanor, something that Nutter tried to bring to their collective attention in a recent speech. Given that Mayor Nutter himself is African American, he can say these things with impunity without retribution from the self-appointed, politically correct thought police.
The point of mentioning this is, if the hyper-degeneracy within the black community is to be erradicated, ultimately such needed erradication will have to come from within. That approach always works the best, as it is ultimately the most self-reliant solution, in perfect accord with the “little platoons” that Alexis de Tocqueville observed was secret to America’s strength. Kudos to Democrat Mayor Michael Nutter of Philadelphia for saying what desperately needs to be said.
Here is a clip that covers the high points of his speech:
Leave it to the brilliant Dr. Thomas Sowell, however, to broaden the scope of the problem and put it into a context that ordinary people can readily understand. His angle of attack is the different behavioral patterns will lead to different degrees of success, or degeneracy, depending on how constructive or destructive that behavior may be. If you’re new to columns by Dr. Thomas Sowell, he often follows up with subsequent articles on the same subject, such as this fine example, which reminds us that racism is a two-way street, contrary to the politcally-correct mantra that it goes only one way.